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The Case for Elite Theory

In an effort to give all ideas equal air time, this blog will discuss Elite Theory. Hang in there, this one is rough. Previously we discussed pluralism, the notion that those who have grievences against the government can form associations, petition the government and affect policy outcomes in their favor. This explanation for the mechanism by which government responds to the people is thought to be the foundation of democracy. But, it could be said that it is also idealistic and naive when confronted with the reality of how the government is subject to capitol.
 
The central tenants of pluralism are based, in sum, on the following principles: that power is not central, but dispersed; that the state acts as an impartial referee between competing interests; that there are many competing interests that converge around a given issue; and that these competing interests result in policy by consensus (Held 1996). The first principal, that power is not central but dispersed, is one that is easily debated. C. Wright Mills wrote that in an age where government jurisdiction is increasingly centralized, so then is the ability to influence significant decisions that have far greater reach and impact than ever before (1956). Mills goes on to assert that the combination of an unprecedented amount of wealth produced by the growing American economy and the centralization of government has resulted in an American elite (1956). An examination of who successfully wields and influences governmental power reveals a relative concentration of effort and resources (Domhoff 2002).

William Domhoff successfully articulates for us who makes up the ever-illusive “they” that harrows conspiracy theories everywhere, and is often used in reference to ideas of an elite ruling class. He does so by exploring who controls wealth and large corporations in America. It is discovered that Corporate America is intimately connected through overlapping Boards of Directors in what he calls the “Corporate Community,” (2002). The network serves to protect and work for the common interest of big businesses, namely the continuation of profit. This demonstrates that capitol is concentrated. It also partially dismantles the claim by pluralists that power is widely dispersed, if you view capitol as an inherent form of power. A closer look at how the Corporate Community relates to the government further breaks down that idea. What we find is that the Corporate Community has its fingers in all aspects of government, from using its vast wealth to finance campaigns to get one of their own elected, to then filling key appointments with members from the Community, to influencing policy decisions that favor the profit margins of big business (Domhoff 2002). This, in combination with the concentration of wealth that exists within the Corporate Community makes a strong case for the idea that power is indeed centralized, and not dispersed. But like you needed me to tell you that, right? The myth that power and wealth is equally dispersed can be busted anytime you dirve down the highway, and that punk kid with the earing and the PhD in computer science buzzes past you in his 2008 mercedes.
 
The second claim of pluralism- that the government acts as an impartial referee between competing interests- is easily taken apart. In fact, the struggle that exists most readily in American politics is the dynamic tension between rights and dollars, equality and efficiency (Okun 1975). This tension is a natural result of setting up a government that gives it’s people inalienable rights through due process, while creating policy that invests in systems, particularly our economic system, capitalism (Okun 1975). Capitalism naturally breeds inequality. While it would seem that the government should react in a way that establishes equilibrium, doing so would mean sacrificing the productivity of the economy. When the economy fails, the populace demands new government officials who they perceive can do a better job (Domhoff 2002). Because of this reaction, it is natural for the state to act in favor of the economy (Okun 1975, Domhoff 2002, Held 1996). The state is not an impartial referee between competing interests groups, but rather its inherent structure encourages competition and then favors our system of economics, capitalism. Further more, this link between government and capitol investment makes the issue of how the government responds to its people inherently one of class.

This brings us to the third and fourth assumptions of pluralist theory: that there are many competing interests that converge around a given issue and that these competing interests result in policy by consensus. Inherent in this statement is the presumption that those with power have not taken steps to put up road blocks for other parties attempting to utilize their resources to affect change. E.E. Schattschneider explores the idea that those with power can affect the ability of others to act in opposition to them. He outlines a theory of conflict for us which states that “every fight consists of two parts: (1) the few individuals who are actively engaged at the center and (2) the audience that is irresistibly attracted to the scene,” (1975, 62). He continues on to assert that the outcome of the conflict is dictated by how the audience chooses to react. He refers to the “scope” of a conflict as the means by which parties directly involved can maintain control over the outcome (1975, 64). In other words, if the conflict is kept private in the hands of a few people, those people can dictate its outcome. If the conflict becomes public and a greater portion of the audience is included in resolving the conflict, its resolution leaves the hands of the few and is dictated by the voice of the majority. This theory has very interesting implications in terms of elite theory because it suggests, based on the premise that there is an elite class who have managed to coordinate their accumulated power, that this group of people might have a means of a silencing the voices of their opposition through privatizing conflict. Those who have interests contrary to the interests of the Corporate Community cannot be heard because the Corporate Community so dominates the political sphere that no authorized representative would, or could, get it placed on an agenda to be voted on in the first place (Domfoff 2002). This demonstrates the wielding of power beyond the actual decision making process and into the realm of agenda setting. If that is the case, the pluralist assumption that there are many competing interests that result in policy by consensus is false. Rather, there are competing interests but if they have converged around an issue that matters to the Corporate Community, the result is policy in favor of the Corporate Community (Domhoff 2002).  

Alright, I know that was painful, but at least you didn't have to write it. Lets recap: Pluralists make four assumptions when advocating their ideals of how the government responds to interest group involvement. To begin with, it is assumed that power is not centralized, that the state acts as an impartial referee between competing interests, that there are many competing interests that converge around a given issue, and finally that these competing interests result in policy by consensus. By examining elite theory it was revealed that power is, in fact, centralized. Furthermore, a discussion of the state as an impartial referee linked power to resource management, as dictated by the way our government is naturally set up. The combination of these two discoveries makes it unreasonable to assume that policy decisions are reached by consensus. Rather, that claim was qualified with the requirement that the issue not be of interest to the Corporate Elite. This counter argument to pluralism confirms what we already know: The government has too much control over our lives and cares too little about what we think about that. The thing that this study should lead us to recognize is that the issues that we face now, and that we will face in the future, are issues of class. Contrary to what the two democratic candidates would have you believe, prejudice against skin color and sex are possibly gone forever, thanks to those who worked before us. But they have been replaced by prejudice based on economic standing. And why shouldn’t they have been? Capitalism always leads to inequality, and our second favorite thing next to democracy in this country is "the silent hand of the market."

  
Mills, C. Wright. 1956. “The Higher Circles.” The Classics of Interest Group Behavior (2006). Ed. Robert M. Alexander. Belmont: 
   Thomson Wadsworth.
Domhoff, G. William. 2002. Who Rules America: Power and Politics. 4th Ed. Boston: McGraw Hill.          
Okun, Arthur M. 1975. Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff. Washington, D.C.: The    Brookings Institute.
Held, David. 1996. Models of Democracy. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Schattschneider, E.E. 1975. “The Contagiousness of Conflict.” The Classics of Interest Group Behavior (2006). Ed. Robert M. 
   Alexander. Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth.
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My Case for Senator Clinton

When this primary season began I listened to all of the major candidates. I wanted to vote for the person who I really felt embodied the values and principles that I stood for. What qualities did I actually want in a President and what issues were really important to me? Well, I knew what I didn’t want – a stand in for George W. Bush. That part was easy but defining what I really expected of my President was harder.

After much reflection, this is my short (incomplete) list:

I want a President who will bring together diverse and divergent points of view, one who won’t be isolated from the real world by cabinet appointees and who will listen to concerns of the people. 

I want a President who will defend the rights and issues of women and children, regardless of color, social status, religious beliefs or influence.

I want a President who will put environmental concerns at least on par with (if not above) big business.

I want a President who will keep as much government intervention and interference as possible out of my daily life.

I want a President who will once again be respected as the leader of the modern world.

I want a President who has a realistic view of life’s risks and who doesn’t have an agenda kept alive by fear.

I want a President who will enforce current laws before enacting others that muddy the water or enacting Executive Privilege to by-pass the laws of the land in the name of National Security.

OK, I admit some of my list is still what I don’t want. But I’ve tried to listen carefully and I recognize that no politician is going to meet every one of my criteria. Initially, my vote was for John Edwards and I hope that he will run again some day. But, now, the field has been whittled down to three Senators – McCain, Clinton and Obama. For me, John McCain is too much of the same ol’ Bush thing. I think I’ve been pretty clear that what I don’t want is another Bush. But would either Senator Clinton or Senator Obama come close to what I want in a President? And how about the issues that matter to me –health care, Veterans benefits, the environment, Medicare and Social Security, taxes and the economy, the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, and more?

I have read the issue statements for both Senator Clinton and Senator Obama. While there are differences, I could vote for either one. Again, no one candidate is perfect and - this is a biggie - each will have to compromise with Congress in the end. Rather than list supporting statements here, I’ll suggest that you go to their official websites and read their statements for yourself. Instead, I’m going to explain why I choose to support Hillary Clinton.

As a baby boomer woman who grew up in the middle of second the wave of feminism (see http://www.legacy98.org/move-hist.html if you missed it in a previous comment), I admit I am drawn the Senator Clinton because of her gender. All other things being equal between candidates, this is an historic moment for women. While discrimination is more subtle these days, it has not been eliminated. For example, men in the media consistently refer to Senator Clinton as Hillary, but refer to Senator Obama as Obama when using a one name reference.  They refer to women by their first names as though they have not attained the status of a man.  This may seem like a small thing but it is a subtle form of discrimination, and it is only one of dozens of small examples, not to mention those examples that are blatant.  Discrimination against women is not a thing of the past.

I would like to see a national holiday in remembrance of Elizabeth Cady Stanton who started the women’s movement in 1848 much like the holiday of Martin Luther King where we gather and remember where we’ve been, assess where we are, and bring to the forefront where we still need to be to establish equality for all men and women. Young women today take for granted the very things my generation and generations of women before me fought against, and we have no one to blame but ourselves for not regularly reminding them of the hard fight - a national holiday would help us remember and remind. Towards that end, I see the election of a woman as President as the next giant step in changing the mindset of future generations.

I am aware that people either love Senator Clinton or they hate her. There seems to be no middle ground with the electorate. There are questions of integrity and I’m not belittling the importance of integrity, but I’ve heard all three Senators caught in lies. She has experience, and is well known and respected throughout the world. She’s a fighter, there’s no denying that, and she’s spent her life fighting for issues that affect women and children. I also believe she will be more than competent as Commander in Chief.

I will continue to support Senator Clinton through the national convention and, should she become the first woman President, I’ll hold her to a very high standard. As is always the case for the first woman in any position, she’ll have to work twice as hard to be seen just as competent as her male counterparts. In the meantime, I look forward to an election season where gender and race no longer matter in choosing our elected officials.

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The Arguement for Pluralism

As a member of the electorate, I am a stakeholder in American Politics. That means I am directly affected by, and concerned with, public policy decisions made in Washington by our so-called elected officials. To utilize the notion of a small "r" republican, as a stakeholder it is not only my responsibility to become involved in these decisions, but it is also virtuous to do so in that it upholds and infuses democracy. I challenge you to name one thing that trumps democracy when it comes to universal American values. The smallest, easiest way one can do this is by voting. In previous blogs, we have engaged in discussion about whether or not our votes count, and if they do how much they have been manipulated by the kind of information we receive, or don't receive through the media. This is a serious issue, as all theories of democracy rely on an informed public. I propose a slightly time-consuming, and thus more effective, way of getting involved: Interest groups.
 
Don't stone me yet, hear me out. In the 1830's a man by the name of Alexis De Tocqueville (Pronounced toke-vill. Don't giggle, you druggie!) tramped across the American country side and came out beaming at our alleged accomplishments. De Tocqueville (wipe that smile off your face!) cited the right to assemble as one of the most inalienable of all human rights, next to liberty, and as essential to the ensurance of liberty. He viewed the ability to associate as the greatest check against government tyranny, and furthermore, as a check against the majority. If you don't like what the elected government is doing, associate with like-mided people and petition the government to reform. Furthermore, if you don't like what the government is doing, get together with some like-minded people, go convince the majority over to your side and vote in a new government. This is how interest groups originated and the right of association is why they survive with such ferocity. We could conclude, also, that the right of association in combination with universal sufferage is the greatest tool of the people against the Government, and embodies the flavor of democracy.
 
Conversely, one could argue that in a society that builds on capitolism, indeed in a society that designs it's policies around the support of the system of capitolism, the ability of people to associate and influence government in a way that is meaningful is a privilege of those with resources. Furthermore, even if you have resources, your voice is not as loud as the party with greater resources. In other words, in a true democracy representation is impartial, and interest groups function in the way De Tocqueville (I'm not kidding around here, stop laughing!!) views them. But when the government supports the Market, as the U.S. government does, the system favors those with the most resources, therefore breeding inequality of representation. Inequality of representation equals a broken democracy.
 
 This brings us to the discussion on conflict management. In E.E. Schattschneider's essay "The Contaigousness of Conflict," Schattschneider outlines what he calls a basic pattern for all politics. This so-called basic pattern is one in which the "outcome of all conflicts is determined by the extent to which the audience becomes involved in it," and in which it is assumed that those directly invovled in the conflict realize this and therefore try to contain it's scope and maintain control. In other words, if the audience, or those not directly involved in decision making, decided to widen the scope by becoming involved, they in effect steal control from the original players and influence the outcome of the conflict. When applied to political theory, it could be argued that in spite of lack of resources, by becoming involved in the process, you widen the scope of conflict and are able to contribute through agenda setting.
 
When we look at the nature of interest groups, in possibley what was their purest form when De Tocqueville was writing about them, we discover that they, by the right of association, are vital to a healthy democracy. There is an arguement that could be made that says that the only effective voice is the voice with the most resources, but Schattschneider's theory of conflict would say that any kind of invovlement what so ever succeeds in widening the scope of conflict, and that therefore power naturally lies in the hands of the people. I would further conclude from this theory, that in deciding not to get involved, one religquishes what little power they might have had and they do so by choice. Voting is the easist way to get involved, but as we have already discussed it might not be the most effective way because of inaccurate information that reaches the electorate by way of the media. Interest group involvement is therefore a greater way to prop up democracy. Get active!
 
"For that matter, it would help alot if intelligent, well-meaing people like Bill Clinton would just quit the hysterical denial. If they would think twice before framing diabolically complex new programs that feed zillions of lobbies, can't adapt, and 'can never be taken away,' that in itself would be a step in the right direction." - Jonathan Rauch, Demosclerosis
 
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